Threads of Music in the Tapestry of Memory
In the early fog-shrouded morning, a large group of scuba divers,
clad in full gear, gathers on a beach. They soon divide into two equal
groups, each apparently with an instructor. Half enter the ocean and
disappear beneath the waves; the others gather around their instructor
on the beach. After 30 minutes or so, only half of the ocean divers
emerge from the surf; immediately they are replaced by half of the
divers from the beach group. It is only then that the casual observer
realizes that this is no ordinary scuba lesson. In fact, it is not
a scuba lesson at all.
What are memories? How are they stored? How are they recalled?
The scuba divers are helping to answer these questions. And, perhaps
surprisingly, the answers ultimately involve music.
But for now the divers continue their activities for another 20
minutes; then all of the ocean divers pop up to the surface and
finally wade onto the beach. The instructors perform a quick tally
of the results, to be later checked in the laboratory. They seem
pleased. Another dimension of memory has been identified. The scuba
divers are indeed scuba divers but the instructors are psychology
professors, and an experiment has just been completed. During the
first 30 minutes, both groups were shown the same list of words,
on slates. After half of each group exchanged places, all divers
were tested to recall as many as possible (writing on their own
slates).
This was an experiment to determine how memories are recalled.
Specifically, it studied "context-dependent-memory" (CDM).
The question is, "To what extent is recall affected by the
'context' (in this case underwater vs. on the beach) of remembrance?"
Is recall better or worse when recall occurs in a different place
than the original context of learning?
In fact, it seems to be worse. Scuba divers who both learned and
recalled in the same context (ocean-ocean and beach-beach) recalled
more words than scuba divers who learned and recalled in different
places (ocean-beach and beach-ocean), The results show that memory
systems in our brains don't act like tape recorders. Rather, the
original learning seems to include (or "encode") the contextual
background as well as the "main events".
Context-dependent-memory has been studied in many situations.
Music turns out to be an important contextual element. For example,
Steven M. Smith of Texas A & M University examined the role
of background instrumental music. First, subjects viewed a list
of words, one at a time. Two days later, they were given a test
in which they simply had to recall as many of the learned words
as possible. Like the scuba divers, learning and recall took place
in the same or different context, but in this case the contexts
were musical. There were three conditions during learning for different
groups; a Mozart piano concerto (K49 in c), a jazz piece ("People
Make the World Go Around" by Milt Jackson), or a quiet background.
During the recall test, groups were subdivided so that they received
either the same music (or quiet) that was present during learning
or different music (or quiet).
Recall was best when the music was the same during learning and
recall than when the pieces were changed; quiet during both times
did not aid memory. The worse recall when musical context was changed
was found to be due to a memory process, rather than to possible
distraction. These findings show that background music can enter
into memory and aid recall, when it is simply present and not necessarily
consciously attended. So a memory is somewhat like a complex weaving,
composed of major patterns and also background strands. Hence, the
title of this essay: music is a "thread" in the "tapestry"
of memory.
Regular readers of MRN may themselves recall a previous essay
"Elevator Music, More Than It Seems" (Fall, 1995). There,
we pointed out the ubiquity of background music and its ability
to alter consumer behavior, social perceptions and mood. And the
effect of music on mood was a special subject in a later issue (MRN),
Spring 1996). Is it possible that music enters into memory through
its effects on mood?
Eric Eich and Janet Metcalfe at the University of British Columbia
addressed this issue. They played different compositions to induce
different moods, the latter being self-rated by the subjects. A
happy mood was induced by playing excerpts from Mozart's Eine Kleine
Nachtmusik or Divertimento #136 (K number not given). Albinoni's
Adagio in G Minor or Barber's pour Cordes were used to produce a
sad mood. Subjects rated their moods every few minutes on a mood
scale. When they had reached at extreme (very happy or very sad,
in different groups), they learned word associations. Recall 48
hours later was done with the music that was concordant or discordant
with the mood during learning. The main finding was that recall
was worse when the moods were different. So music-induced mood is
a thread in the tapestry.
While moods induced by music can enter into the storage and assist
the recall of memories, there are also specific aspects of the music
itself that can constitute other "threads". William Balch,
Kelly Bowman and Lauri Mohler of The Pennsylvania State University
investigated the effects of music genre and musical tempo in a series
of experiments. First, different groups learned words during one
of four instrumental pieces: slow jazz (from "How Long Has
This Been Going On?" by Fox, Worth and Cowan); fast jazz (from
"Sing, Sing, Sing" by Benny Goodman); slow classical (from
Mozart's clarinet concerto in A,); and fast classical (Tartini's
"Devil's Trill"). The four groups were subdivided into
many groups for the recall test, which received the same or different
music compared to the learning condition. The different music was
made as different as possible, e.g., a change form slow jazz to
fast classical. When tested for word recall, there was a music-dependent
result. As might be expected, recall was aided when the music was
the same, worse when it was different.
However, reduced recall with different music could be due to different
features of the music. For example, learning under fast jazz but
recalling under slow classical involves simultaneously changing
two features, tempo and genre. Are these equally important? In a
second experiment the authors restricted changes to either tempo
(e.g., slow jazz to fast jazz) or genre (e.g., slow jazz to slow
classical). The results were surprising. Changing tempo impaired
recall but changing genre did not.
Balch and Lewis followed this up by a more direct test of the
effects of tempo. they played exactly the same pieces in the same
or different tempo during recall. Again, they found recall was better
with the same tempo, worse with a change in tempo. The authors also
checked the effects of changing only timbre by presenting the same
selection at the same tempo, with synthesized piano or brass performance.
Changing the timbre had no effect. They also found that tempo, but
not timbre, could affect mood.
The importance of tempo might be due to the very surprising finding
that the general public, not only musicians, appear to have an absolute
memory for tempo. Levitin and Cook of Stanford University found
that when adult subjects sang popular songs from memory and their
tempos were compared with recordings of the same songs, most "performances"
had essentially identical tempos.
Overall the research literature shows that background music, itself
not a part of a conscious learning task, enters into memory for
the material learned. Moreover, recall is better when the music
present during learning is also present during recall. Furthermore,
tempo appears to be an important component of music's intrusion
into memory. Finally, music's effect in altering mood plays a key
role.
Of course, extensive research is required to achieve a more complete
understanding of the role of music in daily memory and its implications.
For example, studying with music may actually impair recall without
similar music. In any event, the studies to date reveal that memories
are complex constructions consisting of many strands. Learning obviously
doesn't guarantee recall but music correctly integrated into the
learning experience may well assist it.
--N. M. Weinberger
- Godden, D.R. and Baddeley, A.D. (1995). Context-dependent
memory in two natural environments: On land and underwater.
British J. Psychol. 66. 325-331. The description of the experiment
is accurate in essentials but slight liberties have been taken
with some details of the scene.
- Eich E. and Metcalfe, J. (1989). Mood dependent memory for
internal versus external events. J. Exper. Psychol. Learn. Memory
& Cognition, 15, 443-455.
- Balch, W.R., Bowman, K., and Mohler, L. (1992). Music-dependent
memory in immediate and delayed word recall. Memory & Cognition,
20, 21-28.
- Balch, W.R. and Lewis, B.S. (1996). Music-dependent memory:
the roles of tempo change an mood mediation. J. Exper.Psychol.,Learn.
Memory & Cognition, 22, 1354- 1363.
- Levitin, D.J. and Cook, P.R. (1996). Memory for musical tempo:
additional evidence that auditory memory is absolute. Perception
& psychophysics, 58, 927-935.
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Threads of Music in the Tapestry of Memory
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